Introduction | Contents | Chapter Two
Astrology was part of polytheism in the Hellenistic and Roman Near East. The planets were named for gods and they were worshipped as gods, who worked their wills by their movements through the sky. Furthermore, many Jews practiced astrology, as seen in mosaics of the zodiac on the floors of several synagogues of the Byzantine period in Israel. How did they over-look or explain away the polytheistic implications of what they put on their floors? This is the vital question which this dissertation will try to answer.
First, it is necessary to demonstrate the origins of astrology in Mesopotamian religion. This will be done in four sections. In the first we shall introduce Mesopotamian religion and the major gods. Next, we shall demonstrate that the planets were worshipped as incarnations of the gods. Thirdly, we shall show that the Mesopotamians believed that the planet-gods spoke to them by means of astral omens, that is, by extraordinary events in the sky. Finally, we shall see how the horoscope was invented as a combination of astronomy and astral omens.
Mesopotamian religion was basically similar to other ancient religions. It was polytheistic, with literally thousands of gods,/1/ personifications of every aspect of nature and of human society. The gods were imagined to be much like human beings, save that they never died/2/ and were far more powerful./3/ The gods were married and had children, they lived in their temples, where they were represented by their statues. Much of divine worship paralleled the everyday life of a Mesopotamian king. The statues were presented with meals, accompanied by music and incense, just as the king was./4/ The various cities were each the estate of a particular god, although the others would have temples there, too. Human beings in general were created to be slaves, doing work the gods did not care to do./5/ Human rulers were the supervisors of the gods' estates, while the universe as a whole was the kingdom of the gods. The events of history and of everyday life were decided by a divine government, the prototype of earthly governments./6/
Of the thousands of gods listed in Mesopotamian literature, only a few, the "Great Gods," were thought to rule the universe. The "Great Gods" were the ones identified with the planets, who became the gods of astrology. This is not to say that all the "Great Gods" were primarily astral deities. Some had little or no connection with the heavens, and even those who did had other important aspects as well. Nevertheless from the early days of Mesopotamian history there was a prominent association between the gods and the sky, one which grew more prominent with time. It is significant that the determinative/7/ for a god was originally a picture of a star, the "dingir" sign./8/ This tells us that the stars were identified with the gods even in prehistoric times, when the cuneiform writing system was invented.
Most of our attention will be given to the later periods, from the Neo-Assyrian period down to the Parthian, when astral religion and astrology were most prominent. Not only was this the period astral religion was most highly-developed, but it also gives us the most documents. Many of these documents were composed in the earlier periods, although the exact dates are often quite uncertain. But whenever composed, they illustrate the thinking of the period which used them and which created astrology. The astrology and astral religion of this period were, in turn, transmitted to the rest of the world in the over-lapping Hellenistic period. It is this transmitted astral religion which will be important in the rest of our discussion.
Some definitions are in order at this point. Astral religion is used here to mean not only the identification of the stars and planets with the gods, but the worship of the planets and stars. Prayers and sacrifices were made to the gods in their stellar aspects, just as to their other aspects. Astrology means the use of the movements of the planets for divination. This includes the earlier Mesopotamian practice of observing omens/9/ in the sky (which is what Assyriologists call astrology) as well as the later practice of calculating the planets' positions at any given time, which Assyriologists call "horoscopy." Horoscopy, in turn, is what we call astrology today.
The most prominent of the heavenly bodies are the sun and the moon. It is thus not surprising that they were the oldest and most important astral deities. Sin, the moon-god, was more important to the Mesopotamians than his son, Shamash, the sun. His major duties included giving light at night and providing the lunar calendar./10/ As we shall see, the various phenomena of the lunar cycle were important occasions for omens, as were lunar eclipses. Sin's chief cultic centers were Ur in the south and Harran in the north,/11/ where he was worshipped into Late Antiquity and even the Islamic period./12/ Sin was married to the goddess Ningal and they had three children, Shamash, Ishtar, and Adad.
Shamash was the most important astral deity after Sin. He not only illuminated the world, crossing the sky from entrance to exit in a mule-drawn chariot,/13/ but was also the god of justice and protector of the oppressed. Together with his brother Adad, a god of storm and rain, Shamash was the patron of divination. His special cities were Sippar and Larsa./14/
The five lesser planets, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, are less obvious to the casual watcher than the sun and the moon, but are still easy to tell from the other points of light in the night sky, the fixed stars. They are brighter, and are thus visible in twilight or a hazy sky when the fixed stars are not. An even more obvious difference is that they seem to wander from night to night, something easily seen against the unmoving background of the fixed stars. This gave them their Greek name, # # g , plants or "wanderers." One Mesopotamian said "The planets are those whose stars pass on their own road over themselves."/15/
The brightest and most easily noticed of the five lesser planets is Venus, always close to the sun as the morning or the evening star. Thus, the third important, primeval, astral deity was the Mesopotamian Venus, Ishtar, the "Queen of Heaven."/16/ She was by far the most important goddess in the later days of Mesopotamian civilization, absorbing most of the others. Her name even became a generic word for "goddess."/17/ Ishtar was also the patron of all aspects of sexuality, protector of kings, and goddess of war. Her major city was Uruk, where she was the wife of the sky-god, Anu, who had lost most of his importance by the time our records begin./18/
The remaining planets are not as easy to see. They were also associated with major gods, but the association was not as fundamental as in the case of Sin, Shamash and Ishtar. They had other functions before they were associated with the planets, and these functions remained more important. Nevertheless, their astral aspects were not trivial.
Jupiter is the brightest of the planets after Venus, and, unlike Venus, can be seen throughout the night, not only at dawn and dusk. It was the star of the king of the gods, who, during our period, was Marduk, the patron-deity of the city of Babylon./19/ Originally both Babylon and Marduk were unimportant, but as Babylon became the greatest city in Mesopotamia, Marduk rose in importance, too. In the creation epic, Enuma Elish, he assigned the gods to their stars, and took Jupiter for himself./20/
The remaining planets visible to the naked eye are Saturn, Mars and Mercury, associated with the gods Ninurta, Nergal, and Nabu, respectively.
In early times, Ninurta was the god of the spring thunderstorms./21/ By the first millennium, however, he had become the god of hunting and warfare. His wife was Gula, the goddess of healing, and who was associated with the constellation Aquarius./22/ Curiously, the planet Saturn was also sometimes considered a second sun, representing law and justice./23/
Nergal was the god of death, especially by disease and violence, and by extension, the god of the underworld, the land of the dead./24/ His chief myth tells how he conquered and then married the previous ruler of the dead, the goddess Ereshkigal. His major cult center was Cutha./25/
The last of the planet-gods was Nabu, the son of Marduk. He was patron of agriculture and commerce, but he was especially the god of scribes and of scholarship./26/ His most important role was to be the scribe of the gods and keeper of the "tablets of destiny" which recorded the decisions of the gods./27/ Nabu achieved his greatest importance after 800 BCE and during the Neo- Babylonian dynasty may have been replacing Marduk as the most important of the gods, much as Marduk had replaced Enlil./28/ Certainly many of the Neo-Babylonian kings bore his name in theirs (e.g., Nebuchadnezzer, Nabonidus). His special cult city was Borsippa, near Babylon./29/
The fixed stars and the constellations into which the Mesopotamians grouped them were also associated with various gods. As a whole they were divided into three bands parallel to the celestial equator, the "Ways" of Anu, Enlil, and Ea,/30/ three gods who were not primarily astral. Anu was the sky god, Enlil was the god of storms, as well as king of the gods before Marduk./31/ Ea was the god of fresh water and magic, as well as the father of Marduk./32/ The "Ways" were primarily an astronomical, not a religious, concept. The constellations were sometimes worshipped, particularly in magic or medicine. But the most important constellation for religion was the Pleiades, associated with a group of seven unnamed gods, the Sibittu, often called upon to witness oaths and treaties./33/ Whether or not they were the "seven evil gods" who caused eclipses by attacking Sin is unclear./34/
Having introduced the chief gods, we shall now examine literary evidence demonstrating the cult of the planet-gods. We shall look at the Creation Epic and at a variety of prayers and magical texts. I shall use simple and common definitions for prayer and magic here. In prayer, one makes a request of a god. The magician tries to coerce or even command a god. In practice, however, the distinction may break down. For example, knowing the habits of a god, his likes and dislikes, one might make a request in such a way that it would be unlikely, even impossible to reject. Certainly, there was no clear distinction between prayer and magic in Mesopotamia./35/ It is the modern scholars who have drawn it, and in many cases they have been force to "fudge," coining the term "Gebetsbeschwrungen," or "Prayer-spells" to cover texts which are neither clearly magical nor prayers./36/
Magical ceremonies in Mesopotamia were private, small-scale, versions of the rituals performed publicly in the temples. Magical practitioners of different sorts were usually priests. References to the astral aspects of the various gods are common, although they do not crowd out other aspects./38/
Enuma Elish, the Mesopotamian epic of creation, is not actually about creation ex nihilo in the traditional Christian sense, but about how a pre-existing universe was put into its present shape and organization. In particular, it tells how Marduk became the king of the gods and shaped the universe./38/ Enuma Elish has a complicated history. In the form we now have it, it probably dates to the mid-second millennium BCE. At least, the language is the Akkadian of that time./39/ For our purposes, the exact date of composition is not very important. The myth uses materials from Sumerian times (when Enlil was probably the hero), and was in regular use during the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods, when it was read as part of the New Year Festival. (In the Assyrian version, Assur replaced Marduk as the hero.)/40/ Enuma Elish emphasizes the assignment of the stars to gods and Marduk's association with Jupiter. This is not to say that the author's main purpose was to explain how the gods came to be associated with the planets. Probably his goal was political, to demonstrate that Marduk was king of the gods, and that his city Babylon thus deserved to rule the earth. But it does so by giving Marduk the responsibility for putting the universe into its present form, which includes assigning the stars and planets to their gods. For this reason Enuma Elish is an appropriate text to begin our discussion of the planets and stars as gods.
The Enuma Elish begins with a description of primal chaos, and quickly proceeds to a list of primal gods who beget successive generations. Tiamat, Apsu, and Mummu are the first gods. The fourth generation is Anu, the first of the "Great Gods," and he soon begets the rest. This younger generation of gods soon quarrels with their elders, and a war breaks out between Apsu, Tiamat, and Mummu, on one side, and Anu and his young gods on the other. Apsu and Mummu are disposed of by Ea in the opening skirmishes./41/ But when Tiamat continues the war more vigorously,/42/ all the gods are afraid to fight her, save Marduk, Ea's son./43/ He agrees to fight Tiamat if the gods will vote him supreme power,/44/ which they do. Tiamat is defeated in short order./45/
This is the point where the story begins to relate to astral religion, for Marduk uses Tiamat's body to make the universe we know.
"He split her open like a mussel (?) into two (parts);
Half of her he set in place and formed the sky (therewith) as a roof
. . . .
He created stations for the great gods;
The stars their likeness(es), the signs of the zodiac/46/ he set up.
He determined the year, defined the divisions;
For each of the twelve months he set up constellations.
/47/ After he had de[fined] the days of the year [by means] of constellations,
He founded the station on Nbiru/48/ to make known their duties (?).
That none might go wrong (and) be remiss,
He established the stations of Enlil and Ea together with it.
He opened gates on both sides,
/49/ And made strong locks to the left and right.
In the very center thereof he fixed the zenith.
The moon he caused to shine forth; the night he entrusted (to her).
He appointed her, the ornament of the night, to make known the days
`Monthly without ceasing to go forth with a tiara.
At the beginning of the month, namely, of the rising o[ver] the land,
Thou shalt shine with horns to make known six days;
On the seventh day with [hal]f a tiara.
At the full moon thou shalt stand in opposition (to the sun) in the middle of each [month].
When the sun has [overtaken] thee on the foundation of heaven,
Decrease [the tiara of full] light and form it backward.
[At the period of invisi]bility draw near to the way of the sun,
/50/ And on [the twenty-ninth] thou shalt stand in opposition to the sun a second time. . . .'
It is significant that one of Marduk's first acts in shaping the universe was to organize the heavenly bodies, and particularly the schedule of the moon. In fact, he was creating the Mesopotamian calendar, which was based on the lunar month. The moon's monthly cycle was also important in the collection of celestial omens, Enuma Anu Enlil. It is also important to note that the heavenly bodies were personal beings and not lifeless things. This view of the stars and planets as persons is confirmed in the following sections, where Marduk continues creation. In line 42 of tablet 7, and again in line 81, 300 gods were set in the sky as guards. Perhaps they were the fixed stars./52/
After Marduk finished shaping the universe, the victorious gods celebrated with a banquet, and praised Marduk by reciting his fifty names and the powers they imply. In lines 126-131 he was named the planet Jupiter: "Nbiru shall be in control of the passages in heaven and earth, . . . Nbiru is his star which they caused to shine in the sky."/53/ In other words, among his other powers, Marduk was an astral deity too, both a personal god and a shining star.
Enuma Elish is not only important for what it tells us about Mesopotamian thinking. Its conceptions may also have had some influence on Hellenistic astrology and astral religion. For Berossus, the Babylonian priest credited with bringing astrology to Greece, gave a creation account which is quite close to the one in Enuma Elish./54/ The fifth century CE philosopher Damascius also refers to a creation account similar to Enuma Elish, calling Bel demiurge, or creator./55/
The divinity of the heavenly bodies was not merely a literary motif. Numerous prayers and rituals from a variety of sources address the divine stars. One fairly common example is the so-called "Prayer to the Gods of the Night." An example published by Oppenheim reads thus, beginning with line 19:
Samas-star, [. . .]-star, Marduk-star,
Nabu-star, [. . .]-star, Eritu-star,
and enter, you, (too) Istar (i.e., Venus),
he who mentions (all of) you (stars) is sure to obtain what he desires.
I conjure (all of) you, pure heaven, pure earth,
pure upper stars, pure lower stars,
pure gods, pure goddesses . . . .
My lips are clean, my hands washed . . . .
I have called you, stars in the north, the south, the east, and the west-
the famous stars (as well as) the lesser stars that the eye cannot see (well),
the casual observer cannot observe,
those of (the paths of) Anu, Enlil, and Ea--
Surround me, all of you, gather around me! . . .
I have prepared for you a pure sacrifice,
scattered for you pure incense, . . .
Stand by today that I may obtain what I want! . . .
Remove and drive away (all) the evil from the body of NN, son of NN --may I, NN, son of NN, be well and happy again upon your supreme command which never changes . . . . In case of evil portended by confused dreams, by omens, [there follows a long list of bad omens] (if you dispel all this) then I shall sing the praise of your great divine powers!/56/
The document ends with a ritual, including offerings of food and incense, to be performed with the prayer./57/
Oppenheim's text dates to the Neo-Babylonian period./58/ Other such "Prayers to the Gods of the Night" are known, as well. One example opens the Maqlu texts,/59/ a collection of exorcism spells meant to counter the effects of witchcraft./60/ The date of the Maqlu texts' composition is uncertain,/61/ but our extant collection comes from the Neo-Assyrian period./62/ Another version, perhaps the original, is found on a tablet of the Old Babylonian period./63/ One version is even found in the Akkadian texts from Hatussa, the capital of the Hittite Empire, in Asia Minor./64/
The "Prayer to the Gods of the Night," in all its versions, shows that the planet-gods (and some stars, too, in the fragmentary section lines 1-18) were actually worshipped. In the example quoted, the object was to ask the stars to counteract the evils which a bad omen warned about. In the version in the Maqlu texts, the exorcist wants help against disease caused by witchcraft. The Old Babylonian version asks for help with extispicy, the use of animal entrails to divine the future!/65/ The common factor is that all versions assume that the heavenly bodies paid attention to human affairs and requests, and might take a hand in them. In other words, the planets were treated just like the other gods.
Astral deities were also invoked in the Shurpu texts, another collection of magical prayers, similar to the Maqlu texts, but meant to end diseases sent as divine punishment for sins./66/ The Shurpu collection was also much used in the Neo-Assyrian period. Both the Shurpu and the Maqlu texts were used by the same practitioners, the asipu or exorcists./67/ The most interesting example is from the second of the nine tablets.
"[Incantation. Be it released], great gods,
[god and] goddess, lords of absolution,
[NN, son of] NN, whose god is NN. . .
[who is . . . .], sick, in danger (of death), distraught, troubled,
who has eaten what is tab[oo] to his god, . . ./68/
[There follows a long list of possible misdeeds.]
may the Warrior Shamash, may mentioning them release,
may TI.BAL, SAG.KUD, Kajamanu, Immerija release,
may the Bow-star, the Pleiades, Sirius, Mars Narudu release,
may Hendursanga, the star Sibzianna release . . . ./69/
As in earlier quotations, we find here a series of celestial bodies invoked as gods in a list of gods filling fifty-six lines. Some are planets (i.e., SAG.KUD, Kajamanu, Mars) while others are fixed stars. Several cannot be identified (e.g., TI.BAL). Some of the celestial bodies are even written with the dingir sign, which is prefixed to the name of a god.
This passage is particularly interesting because it has a biblical connection. SAG.KUD and Kajamanu are names for the planets Mars and Saturn, respectively./70/ Both names are mentioned in Amos 5:26 (RSV): "You shall take Sakkuth your king and Kaiwan your star-god, your images, which you made for yourselves." This implies that some Israelites of the divided monarchy period worshipped the Mesopotamian star-gods.
Magical rituals involving the worship of astral gods are also to be found in the Namburbi texts, yet another collection of spells, in this case used to negate the evils warned by a variety of omens./71/ The 140 known copies of the Namburbi texts were written between the eighth and the sixth centuries BCE./72/ Most have come from Assyria, but copies have also been found in Uruk, in Hama, in northern Syria, and in Tarsus in Cilicia./73/ References to them are also found in the letters and reports of Assyrian diviners, who from time to time recommended they be used to counter bad omens, especially astral omens. The thirteenth namburbi text, for bad omens in general, was used for astral omens./74/
Text # 3 includes a sacrifice to a star:
Namburbi [to dissipate] the evil of every kind of bow, that it may not approach. [Its ritual]: you set out [an offering arrangement for] Ea and Ishtar. you sacrifice [a kid befo]re the Bowstar. [You pou]r out [a censer of juniper and fine flour]. You express greeting to Marduk. You present to [Nin-ild]u [a bronze axe and a saw]. You recite before Ishtar [the incantation
You are merciful, . . . You are life-g]iving." You set out [. . . before Ea, Asalluhi]/75/ and Shamash. You sacrifice [. . . on] the river bank./76/
Once again, we find the heavenly bodies treated as deities. The Bowstar (Sirius) receives offerings just as do Ea, Ishtar, Marduk, Nin-ildu, and Shamash, with the expectation that all will help the sick person. The namburbis, in fact, resemble the temple rituals closely, with prayers, ritual actions, and offerings in the form of a meal./77/ Even the incense, of juniper and fine flour, parallels table etiquette used in the temples./78/ The major difference is that namburbis are performed privately by the asipu for one person's benefit, instead of publicly for the good of the community, although performing even a private rite for the king gave the asipu a public, political, role./79/
We could continue in this way throughout all of Mesopotamian religious literature. The "Prayers of the Lifting of the Hands," a collection best known from Assurbanipal's library,/80/ contains praise-songs/81/ to a variety of gods, including stars and planets: "Zalbatnu, grosser Herr, barmherziger Gott, der erfasst die Hand des Gest rzten, der erlst den Gebundenen, belebt den [Toten]!"/82/ The Pleiades,/83/ Scorpio,/84/ and Orion/85/ were also invoked. The heavenly bodies accompanied gods, even when it is not their astral aspect which is being emphasized, as in a prayer to Marduk: "Marduk, grosser Herr, barmherziger Gott, . . . . Patrouille und Wachposten mgen Gutes (von mir) sprechen!"/86/ "Patrouille und Wachposten," literally "patrols" and "sentries,"/87/ are in fact planets and constellations./88/
A number of the "Handlifting" texts contain appeals for help against the evils predicted by a lunar eclipse.
Ich, Sargon, der Sohn seines Gottes, der Knecht, der deine Gottheit furchte bei dem Ungluck der schlimmen, unguten Zeichen (und) Omina, die sich in meinem Palaste und meinem Lande ereigneten, bewirke mire Bewilligung auf (mein) Sprechen, deine Grosse Will ich r hmen, dir huldigen!
Beschwoerung(en) durch Handerhebung zur Adad./89/
As in our other examples, the heavenly bodies are treated as if they were as powerful and as open to persuasion as the other gods mentioned in the collection. The planet-gods were not only invoked in private rituals, but also publicly. One text from Seleucid Uruk gives the details of a sacrifice to Anu and the seven planets.
In der ersten Nachtwache,/90/ auf den Dach des Hochtempels der Ziggurat, des Resh (- Heiligtums)/91/ wenn (der Stern) "der grosse Anu des Himmels aufglaenzt wenn (der Stern) "die grosse Antum des Himmels im "Lastwagen" (= im Grossen Wagen) aufglaenzt (sprichts) du: "Gleich der Schnen Erscheinung der Stern des Himmels Anu, der Knig, geht auf, das schne bild," das handwasser richtest dem Tisch zurecht; Fleisch von Rind, Schaf, und Voegeln richtest du zurecht; erstklassiges Bier und "gepressten" Wein stellst du hin, alle Arten von Gartenfruechte gibst du reichlich, streust . . . und mashatu-Mehl auf das goldenen Weihrauchbecken, giesst mit der goldenen "hohen Tische," spendest du Jupiter, Venus, Merkur, Saturn, und Mars, Mond und Sonne, bei ihrem Erscheinen, Handwasser, richtest den Tisch zurecht, richtest Fleisch von Rind, Schaf und Vgeln zurecht . . . . der Mahhu- priester, der mit einem nibittu-Kleid geguert ist, z ndet eine grosse Fackel, in die aroma- tische Stoffe eingefugt sind, die mit guten Olivenoel gesprengt ist und an der (der Ritus der) "Mund-waschung"/92/ vollzogen ist, an Schwefelfeuer an, stellt sich dann mit richtung auf den Tisch auf, erhebt seine Hand zum grossen Anu des Himmels, sprich den Spruch: "Stern des Anus, Held des Himmels." Den "Hohen Tisch" raeumst du ab, reichst Handwasser./93/
This text is interesting as an example of the public worship of the planets, together with the sky, Anu. It is the large-scale equivalent of the magic rituals cited above. Like them, and like the offerings made to the cult images within the temples, the rite includes a meal as well as various hymns and prayers. Once again, the planets and stars are shown to be divine, as divine as the cult statues.
Another interesting feature is that this ritual, while perhaps originating in an earlier period,/94/ was performed during just the period when astrology was spreading throughout the rest of the Hellenistic world./95/ Uruk had a large Greek or partially hellenized population, which included many of the priests./96/ In later chapters, I will demonstrate that astral cults such as Uruk's spread with astrology, and that by the period of the synagogue mosaics such cults should have been well-known to their builders.
The bridge between the astral religion described above and the mathematical astrology of Hellenistic times was the Mesopotamian practice of looking into the sky for messages from the gods, or omens.
The Mesopotamians, in fact, looked for omens everywhere, not just in the sky. The collection and analysis of omens of every sort was a major scholarly activity. Omen texts made up the largest single category in Assurbanipal's library--ca. 300 tablets out of perhaps 900 total./97/ Omen collecting was considered practical, much as taking opinion polls is today, a way to avoid potential disaster./98/ Since an omen was a warning that the gods were unhappy, it could be countered by changing one's ways. Usually this meant ritual offerings and prayers./99/ The namburbi texts, in particular, were meant to annul bad omens by an appeal to the gods. There is little evidence that many people were at all skeptical about the reality of omens, although some did, at times, mistrust the professional honesty of diviners. All Assyrian diviners had to take a loyalty oath,/100/ and Sennacherib once split his soothsayers into two groups to avoid collusion.
The fundamental assumptions behind omens were that the gods spoke to people by means of the phenomena they controlled,/101/ and that whatever happened under a given set of circumstances would always happen whenever those circumstances reappear./102/ Thus, anything out of the ordinary could be a warning from the gods. The result was that Mesopotamian scholars, from early times, kept records of all sorts of unusual phenomena for reference./103/ The records were eventually collected into lengthy lists of omens and consequences, called series by modern scholars./104/ Each series concentrated on a different sort of omen./105/ There were many types besides celestial omens. One series even includes a section on the behavior of ants!/106/
Extispicy, or looking for omens in the shapes of an animal's internal organs, was also prominent, although its most important days had been in the Old Babylonian period./107/ The oldest surviving records of omens are models of odd- looking livers from Mari, dating to Old Babylonian times./108/
The omens themselves tended to deal with the country as a whole, or with the king, who represented the country to the gods, not with private individuals--an important difference from the astrology of the Hellenistic period./109/
Collecting and interpreting omens was primarily the job of a type of priest called the baru./110/ They formed a hereditary "guild" and went through a long education. They were supposedly descendants of Enmeduranki, the legendary king of Sippar before the Deluge. The gods Shamash and Adad revealed to him all the details of divination./111/ The actual origin of the baru is unknown, but they existed from at least the days of Urukagina of Lagash in the third millennium BCE./112/
During the period which most concerns us, the most important series was Enuma Anu Enlil, the major series which dealt with omens in the sky./113/ In the reports which the baru sent to the Assyrian court this was the standard, canonical, reference work for any sort of celestial event./114/ The baru priests referred to other, unofficial, series from time to time, but always note this when they did so./115/
When Enuma Anu Enlil was composed is uncertain. Its present form dates from the Neo-Assyrian period./116/ Many copies come to us from Assurbanipal's library./117/ Some of the materials in it are clearly older. Assurbanipal's baru required extensive commentaries to explain the archaic and obscure language of Enuma Anu Enlil, implying that it was old in their day./118/ Tablet 63 contains what seem to be observations of the planet Venus made during the reign of Ammisaduqa, of the Old Babylonian dynasty./119/ The most intriguing evidence of age, however, is a series of Old Babylonian tablets of celestial omens. Ironically, most were found on the fringes of Mesopotamia proper. Sites include Mari, on the Euphrates;/120/ Hatussa, the capital of Hittite Anatolia;/121/ Qatna, in Syria;/122/ and Elam, in Iran./123/
Astrology (of a sort) was already attractive to the rest of the world. A number of fragments are also known from Middle Babylonian Nippur and Nuzi,/124/ and copies are common from the Neo- Babylonian period. Finally, Persian and Hellenistic Uruk have also yielded copies./125/ It was clearly a popular and important work!
The practice of looking for celestial omens seems to have been at its height during the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal,/126/ when there was an empire-wide network of scholars watching for omens and sending reports to the capital.
Whenever Enuma Anu Enlil may have been composed, its final version consisted of ca. 70 tablets and perhaps 7,000 omens./127/ Enuma Anu Enlil contained omens on anything that happened in the sky: weather (e.g., rainbows), optical illusions (e.g., sun-dogs), as well as astronomical events (e.g., eclipses). Inconsistently, earthquakes are also included./128/ The omens were grouped by topic into four large sections, "Sin," "Shamash," "Ishtar," and "Adad."/129/
"Sin" held the lunar omens and was much the largest section, filling tablets 1-23./130/ Nearly one third of "Sin," tablets 15 -22 were devoted solely to lunar eclipses, showing the importance of the eclipse./131/ A representative section reads:
Findet an 14. Nisan eine Finsternis statt, verfinstert sich der Gott bei seiner Verfinsterung auf der S dseite oben und klart er auf der Nordseite unten auf, [. . . .] beim Weh seines Herzens ein Westwind (in) der dritten Nacht[wach . . . .] . . . . tritt in seinem surinnu Venus in das Innere des Mondes ein, so wird der Sohn des Knigs den Thron seines Vaters oder das Haus seines Vaters betreten. Die Finsternis, bei deren surinnu Venus in seines Inneres eintrat, ihre Verfinsterung beobachtest du und hltst den Westen mit deiner Hand fest, dadurch gibt (d)er (Gott) fuer A k k a d eine entscheidung: der Knig von Akkad wird sterben, aber seine Leute werden wohlbetaten sein, die Regierung des Knigs von Akkad wird verwirrt werden, (aber) seine kuenftigen (Geschicke) werden sich gut entwickeln [. . . . . . . .]. Der Gott, der mit seiner Verfinsterung in der dritten Nachtwache einsetze, 2/3 der Nachtwache verstrichen und (der dann) aufhellte [. . . . . . . . . .]. am 28. oder 29. Kislev beobachtest du den Beginn seines Erschienens, und tritt Venus in ihn ein, so wird der Sohn des Knigs in das Haus seines Vaters eintreten. Am 28. [oder 29.] Kislev beobachtest du [den Beginn] seines [Er]scheinens und deutest (ihn) auf den Wahrspruch einer Finsternis. Der Neumondstag zeigt dir die Finsternis./132/
As the quote illustrates, eclipses were usually bad omens. They were supposedly caused when demons kidnapped Sin or Shamash./133/ But their specific meaning depended on the circumstances. For example, darkness in one section of the full moon's face meant trouble for the king of Akkad (i.e., Mesopotamia), but if the darkness were in another quarter, it would refer to another king. The presence of Venus made a difference. So did the time of night and the day of the month./134/ Finally, an "eclipse," in the terminology of Enuma Anu Enlil, meant any type of obscuration, and not solely what we call an eclipse./135/
Lunar omens also included variations in the dates the moon appeared, was full, and disappeared. The lunar month (the basis of the Mesopotamian calendar) was from new moon to new moon, which was theoretically thirty days. The new moon appeared on the thirty-first day after the previous new moon,/136/ was full on the fourteenth day after the first crescent, disappeared on the twenty- seventh day, and remained invisible from the twenty-seventh through the thirtieth./137/ Sin spent the three invisible days visiting the underworld./138/ For the moon to do any or all of these things on schedule was a good omen. Any deviation was bad,/139/ with the exact meaning determined by the exact circumstances. Since the moon's actual movements are extremely complicated,/140/ the moon deviated often, resulting in many bad omens. Enuma Anu Enlil gives all the possibilities.
Tablets 24-36 form "Shamash," which is similar to "Sin," save that it gives the interpretation of solar phenomena. Solar omens are rather fewer than lunar omens, probably because the sun's movements are rather more regular than the moon's./141/ "Shamash" includes eclipses, colors at sunrise, sun-dogs and halos, among other phenomena./142/ Solar eclipses were the most important omens involving the sun, calling for the most dramatic apotropaic ceremony, the "substitute king" ritual./143/
"Adad" (tablets 36-50) contains omens drawn from earthquakes, thunderclaps and lightning flashes, rainbows, clouds and rain--not what one usually considers astrology at all. Save for earthquakes, however, all these phenomena do take place in the sky, winning them a place in Enuma Anu Enlil. Why earthquakes were included is a mystery./144/
"Ishtar" deals with the fixed stars, the five lesser planets, meteors and comets./145/ This is rather more like the sort of phenomena that horoscopy deals with, particularly the influences of the planets. The tablets containing the planetary omens are fragmentary,/146/ but Venus seems to have been the most important, which is not surprising when one remembers that the planet was always one of the major gods./147/ Most of the Venus omens were concerned with the date that the planet changed from morning star to evening star and vice versa./148/ The date of Venus' heliacal rising/149/ received particular attention. It was anticipated and officially observed, just as the first crescent of the new moon was./150/ As with the moon, if the period the planet was invisible was normal, it was a good omen; if not, it was bad./151/ Likewise, the month in which Venus rose heliacally made a difference; so did the fixed stars near which it rose. Unusual brightness or dimness were also ominous./152/
Much less is known about the omens for the other planets since they are in the most fragmentary part of Enuma Anu Enlil's text./153/ Jupiter was called the planet of the king, obviously because Marduk is the king of the gods./154/ Jupiter omens were generally favorable, especially when it appeared, was particularly bright, or approached the moon./155/
Mercury was the planet of the crown-prince, and its omens were the most favorable, since Nabu was Marduk's son./156/ When it came near another heavenly body with particularly bad associations, such as Scorpio, it even neutralized the latter's omen./157/ In horoscopy, by comparison, Mercury is a neutral planet, taking on the influences of those heavenly bodies to which it comes near.
Little remains of the Saturn omens, but since Saturn was associated with justice and stability, they were generally favorable, similar to Jupiter's./158/ This is quite a contrast to Saturn's role in horoscopy, where it is the most dangerous of the planets.
In Enuma Anu Enlil Mars was the only consistently "evil" planet./159/ When Mars was bright, or approached the moon, or another celestial body, the omen was bad. It was good when Mars was dim or disappeared./160/ Mars, the planet of Nergal, the god of war, was called "violent" and "ill-omened."/161/
Stars and constellations, comets and meteors, were also interpreted in "Ishtar." Some were favorable (e.g., Cancer, Regulus, and Spica), others ill- omened (e.g., Sirius, and Scorpio)./162/ Their meaning depended on their positions relative to each other, or to the planets, and on how they looked. This last, in turn, involved atmospheric effects, such as twinkling, brightening or dimming./163/ Refraction caused by the atmosphere when a star was close to the horizon could also cause some more unusual effects. Sometimes a star would be separated into a spectrum (blue-green-red, from top to bottom). Occasionally there would be two or three such images at once./164/ A representative segment from the stellar section of Enuma Anu Enlil reads thus:
XV 8 If the Old Man leaves the Crook behind: the king's functions? will leave him.
XV 9 If the Old Man's chest is very dark: thieves will make a breach in the palace.
XV 10If the Old man's feet are not visible: the king will [. . .] from the chariot.
XV 11If the Crab's stars scintillate: high water [will come.]
XV 12If the Crab's stars are faint: high water will not come.
XV 13If the Crab's front stars scintillate and [. . .]: high water will come but will not irrigate the field of the commons.
XV 14If the [Lion?] is very black: the land will not be happy./165/
Enuma Anu Enlil does show some slight connection with the astronomy of its time. The section on stars is related to the appropriate sections of the astronomical works Astrolabe B and MUL.APIN./166/ The order of the constellations in tablet 51, in particular, resemble the order in Astrolabe B./167/ As we shall see below, the development of mathematical astronomy was paralleled by the rise of mathematical astrology, or horoscopy, in Persian and Hellenistic Mesopotamia.
There were other collections and series which also used the sort of materials in Enuma Anu Enlil. One good example is the hemerology series Iqqur Ipush, which used the date on which an omen fell to make predictions./168/ As is so often the case with the documents discussed here, no one knows when Iqqur Ipush was composed. The earliest copy dates to the reign of the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I (1115-1077 BCE), and its colophon says it was copied from a tablet of the Babylonian king Nazimaruttas (1323-1298 BCE)./169/ It exists in two versions, one with the omens arranged by events, the other arranged by month./170/
Sections 67-102 contain the celestial omens,/171/ and section 71, in particular, parallels section 24 of "Sin" closely./172/ The other sections of Iqqur Ipush include non- astrological omens which parallel other series./173/
In general, Iqqur Ipush's celestial omens are about humble people and occupations, although the "astrological" section is an exception. As in Enuma Anu Enlil, Iqqur Ipush's astral omens are about king and country. It, likewise, deals with the full range of matters found in Enuma Anu Enlil, from eclipses to earthquakes./177/
Section 71 reads:
Si, au moins de Nisan, une e'clipse se produit durant la veille du soir: il y aura une (tell) d solation que le fr`ere| (var.: tuera) son fr`ere| Si (c'est) au mois d'Aiar: le roi mourra et les fils du roi acc deront au trne de leur p`ere| Si (c'est) au mois de Siwan: invasions de sauterelles (var.: de poissons).| Si (c'est) au mois de Du'uzu [sic]: la moisson du pays prospera; le jouira d'un march abondant.| Si (c'est) au mois d'Ab: Adad pleuvra verse dans le pays.| Si (c'est) au mois d'Elul: l'ennemi infligera une de'fait au pays; l'ennemi jouira de mes biens les plus pr cieux.| Si (c'est) au mois de Teshrit: il y aura une re'volte.| Si (c'est) au mois d'Arahsamna: e'pide'mie.| Si (c'est) au mois de Kislev: e'pide'mie.| Si (c'est) au mois de Tebet: Adad pleuvra verse dans le pays ennemi.| Si (c'est) au mois de Shebat: Adad au pays en[nemi?] sera; Adad pleuvra vers dans le pays de son ennemi.| Si au mois d'Adar: malheur pour le pays d'Akkad.|/178/
Another, more specialized, collection of texts, published by Hunger, using omens to predict prices of commodities, is known from the fourth century BCE Uruk:/179/
Wenn Jupiter schwach leutet oder negative Breite hat, oder auch verschwindet, und Mars hell leuchtet oder Breite hat, oder auch, (wenn) Mars und Jupiter in Konjuction stehen, wird der Handelsertrag sehr gering werden, und die Menschen werden einer schwere Hungersnot erleben./180/
Besides the omen series themselves, we can see Mesopotamian astrology in use at the Assyrian court./181/ A large collection of official reports and letters sent in by a network of baru comes to us from Assurbanipal's library./182/
Most of the letters and reports which have survived date to the years 672-669 BCE. Approximately 80% were addressed to Esarhaddon, and most of the rest to his son Assurbanipal,/183/ although we do have references in other texts to similar reports and letters as early as the reign of Sargon II (721- 705 BCE)./184/ Likewise, the network seems to have survived into the succeeding Neo-Babylonian period. One report survives from the twelfth year of Nebuchadnezzar, in the form of a bronze model of a deformed fish, with a quotation from the appropriate series engraved on it./185/ This last report illustrates something about all the reports, that baru in the network were concerned with omens of all sorts, not solely with celestial omens. Only extispicy was left to specialists./186/
"Letters" were usually answers to questions from the court. The queries themselves do not survive. The letters usually began with an elaborate salutation to the king, which included the writer's name./187/
To the king, my lord, (from) your servant Ishtar-Shumu-eresh: Good health to the king! May the gods Nab and Marduk bless the king, my lord! The 20th, the 22nd, and the 25th are good days for taking the oath . . . . they may take it whenever the king, my lord, says./188/
Reports, in contrast, were sent in by the observers in the network whenever an omen was seen. They begin and end abruptly, and have the baru's signature at the end./189/ Usually they include an account of the phenomenon seen, and an interpretation, which includes an appropriate quotation from Enuma Anu Enlil or another series. Occasionally technical terms in the quotation are explained. The phenomena include all the great variety in Enuma Anu Enlil, weather and earthquakes, as well as genuine astronomical phenomena./190/ One longer example illustrates many of the above statements:
Last night a halo surrounded the Moon and Jupiter (Sagmigar) and Scorpio stood within it. When a halo surrounds the moon and Jupiter (Sagmigar) stands within it, the king of Akkad will be besieged. When a halo surrounds the Moon and Jupiter (Nibiru) stands within it, there will be a slaughter of cattle and beasts within the field. (Marduk is Uminpauddu at its appearance; when it has risen for two (or four?) hours, it becomes Sagmigar; when it stands in the meridian it becomes Nibiru.) When a halo surrounds the moon and Scorpio stands within it, it causes men to marry princesses (or) lions will die and the traffic of the land will be hindered. (These are from the series `When a halo surrounds the Moon and Jupiter stands within it, the King of Aharru will exercise might and accomplish the defeat of his foe.' This is unpropitious.) From Nabumusisi./191/
Often the writer tried to reassure the king by putting as favorable an interpretation as possible/192/ When this was not possible, the baru might suggest an apotropaic ritual to counter the evil portended./193/ The namburbi rituals were often used, usually a "general" or "universal" namburbi, covering all evil omens in general./194/ "The night of the . . . day Jupiter (Sagm!gar) stood within the halo of the moon. Let them make a nambulbi [sic] ceremony. The halo was open on one side. From Nab-ah- iriba."/195/
In a serious case, when the king's life was threatened, a substitute king would replace the real one for a time, then be killed. Approximately thirty letters dealing with the substitute king ritual survive, implying that it was not a rare event. In each case, the ritual was a response to an eclipse of the sun or moon./196/
Since the baru advised the king what to do and when to do it, they potentially had great influence on Assyrian politics. This was presumably why they all swore loyalty to the crown. In the surviving records, however, there is no hint of influence. Indeed, the baru went to some trouble to avoid any appearance of influencing the king, as we saw in the letter quoted above.
We have already dealt with the first two stages in the development of astrology, astral religion and astral omens. The third stage is horoscopy--what most modern people think of as astrology. This is the version of astrology which spread throughout the known world during the Hellenistic period, taking astral religion with it. The connection between horoscopy and the worship of the planet- gods, in turn, is what raises questions about mosaics of the zodiac in Jewish contexts. As with the observation of astral omens, horoscopy uses the movements of the heavenly bodies to divine the gods' wills. But it differs in that it uses calculation instead of observation. Instead of waiting for an omen to happen, the positions of the planets are calculated for any moment desired. The positions are given precisely, relative to a celestial "yardstick," the zodiac. A horoscope gave the baru an omen of an omen, as it were. The omen and its meaning could be predicted in advance, and the proper rituals would be ready when needed. The increase in safety for the baru and his master is obvious.
But all this depended on the ability to calculate the motions of the heavenly bodies with the required degree of precision, in other words, on mathematical astronomy. This developed fairly late in Mesopotamian civilization. The oldest known examples (ca. 1100 BCE) of simple mathematical astronomy are the so-called astrolabes,/197/ called "three stars each" by the Mesopotamians./198/ These are charts which correlate the heliacal risings of selected stars with dates on the calendar, three stars for each month./199/ Each month is split into thirds, with an appropriate star from one of the three "Ways" assigned to each third./200/ This told the Mesopotamians when the lunar months were shifting out of synchronization with the seasons.
An excerpt from astrolabe B illustrates the description given above./201/
Most astrolabes have a circular format rather than a rectangular one. In that case, the Ea column is the outer circle, the Anu column the middle circle, and the Enlil column is the innermost circle. Radial lines divide the months./202/
The risings and calendar dates were both further linked with values for the changing length of daylight through the year. The values for the changes in the length of daylight are in the form of an arithmetic progression. For the Ea stars they are: 2 2;20 2;40 . . . 4 3;80 3;60 . . . 2./203/ This is the first example of a "zig-zag function," a method of calculation much used in later astronomy./204/ These values are derived from the amount of water needed in a water clock to measure the length of a "watch" at different times of the year./205/ (The daytime and nighttime were each divided into three "watches.") The Anu and Enlil columns give the lengths of half watches and quarter watches, respectively./206/
The MUL.APIN texts, dating ca. 700 BCE, are a further development of the astrolabes. They contain the same sorts of information, if often more detailed and more accurate./207/ For example, both give figures for the length of daylight at different seasons. In the astrolabes, the ratio of the longest day to the shortest is 2:1, while MUL.APIN has 3:2. MUL.APIN's figures are closer to reality for Babylon./208/
MUL.APIN also has a great deal of information not found in the astrolabes. The astrolabes deal with three things: calendar date, heliacal risings, and length of daylight. MUL.APIN, by comparison, has eighteen topical sections in the two tablets published. (A third tablet is unpublished.)/209/
Some of the new information supplements the old. For example, the list of heliacal risings in MUL.APIN is the same as in the astrolabes. But it is supplemented by a list of ziqpu-stars, stars which culminate (cross the meridian) at the same moment as the other stars rise heliacally. Thus, if a certain heliacal rising cannot be observed because of clouds or dust on the horizon, its ziqpu can be observed instead./210/
Other new information includes the periods of the planets, the astronomical seasons, gnomon tables,/211/ intercalation, and the constellations which hold the paths of the sun, moon, and planets./212/
These eighteen constellations are particularly interesting for astrology, for they are the predecessors of the zodiac. Some of them gave their names to the signs of the zodiac./213/ The zodiac itself, an artificial division of the sun's annual path (the ecliptic) into twelve equal sections, may be a development of MUL.APIN's section on the astronomical seasons.
This section uses the boundaries of the three "Ways" of Ea, Anu, and Enlil to divide the ecliptic into four parts, and assigns each portion to one of the seasons. It also gives the calendar date when the sun, for example, leaves Ea and summer to enter Anu and fall. This is clearly a schematic calendar, based solely on the sun, and not the ordinary lunar calendar, since a date in the lunar calendar would vary quite a lot from year to year. The tables of heliacal risings in the astrolabes and MUL.APIN would also fit with such a calendar. If the ecliptic were divided into twelve sections, corresponding to the months in the schematic calendar, the zodiac would be the result./214/
The astrolabes and the MUL.APIN texts are both comparatively secular, in the sense that both describe what happens in the heavens without trying to say what it all means./215/ But they have only the simplest kind of mathematical analysis. By the Hellenistic period, we find the ephemerides and the procedure texts, which contain quite sophisticated mathematical analyses of the heavenly bodies' motions./216/ But for the centuries in between, the Neo-Babylonian and Persian periods, we have almost no documents on astronomy. There is, however, a certain amount of indirect evidence. We know, for example, that a new system of intercalation for the calendar was introduced between 480 and 380 BCE./217/
As noted earlier, the Mesopotamian month lasted from new moon to new moon. Unfortunately, twelve lunar months add up to 354 days, while the solar year, which rules the seasons and agriculture, is 365 days long./218/ The difference adds up quickly, and if nothing is done, the months will shift through all the seasons in about thirty years. Such a calendar is not very useful for any sort of long-range planning, and the obvious solution is to add an extra, intercalary, month every few years, to keep the months and the seasons in rough alignment. In the earlier periods of Mesopotamian history intercalary months were decreed whenever needed, not according to any system./219/ The lists of heliacal risings mentioned above may have been used to tell when it was time to add a month./220/ But about 380 BCE,/221/ a new system of seven intercalations spread evenly over a cycle of nineteen years/222/ was in use.
This intercalation cycle is based on the knowledge that 235 lunar months equal 19 solar years almost exactly. Such relationships between periods are very important in Hellenistic Mesopotamian astronomy./223/ To calculate them takes not only records of what the planets do, but a sophisticated mathematics to analyze regularities in the records.
Probably the zodiac was also invented during the fourth or fifth century BCE./224/ While people had noticed very early that the sun, moon, and planets all had paths through the same constellations, the idea of a celestial yardstick was new. The zodiac was a great circle of the sky, divided into twelve sections, each 30 degrees long./225/ Providing a uniform system of reference for positions,/226/ the zodiac was a convenient tool for calculators./227/ But observers continued to use the older system. Positions were given relative to well-known fixed stars, called "Normal Stars" by modern scholars./228/
About 300 whole and fragmentary tablets of mathematical astronomy survive from Hellenistic Mesopotamia./229/ Most date from the third through the first century BCE. The latest is the last known cuneiform text, dating to 75 CE./230/ Approximately 100 of the tablets come from the Re temple of Anu in Uruk, the rest from some unknown site in Babylon./231/
The colophons of the Uruk tablets give us some information about the people who made and used the tablets./232/ All the tablets belonged to members of two well-known scribal families./233/ It is particularly interesting to discover that the scribes often signed themselves as "scribes of Enuma Anu Enlil."/234/ Copies of Enuma Anu Enlil were common in Hellenistic Uruk, and often the same people owned both astronomical works and Enuma Anu Enlil./235/ The ritual text, offering sacrifices to the planets, quoted above also comes from Hellenistic period Uruk. Astral religion, astral omens, and mathematical astronomy all lived together quite happily. The result, as we shall see, was the true horoscope.
Mathematical astronomy texts fall into two categories, ephemerides, and procedure texts./236/ Procedure texts tell how to compose ephemerides./237/ A modern ephemeris is a "tabular statement of the assigned places of a celestial body"/238/ The Mesopotamian ones told when important astronomical events would take. For example, a Mesopotamian ephemeris might give the dates predicted for each new moon in a particular year, or for each time Jupiter rose with the sun during one circuit of the zodiac./239/
Given the importance of the moon for the calendar (not to mention religion and divination) it is not surprising to find that nearly half of the surviving ephemerides are for the moon./240/ The lunar ephemerides give rather more precise data than do planetary ephemerides. These include information on a variety of lunar and solar events. Since lunar and solar phenomena are closely intertwined, they must be considered together. The phenomena found in lunar ephemerides include first visibility of the new moon, last visibility of the old moon, opposition and conjunction of the sun and moon, lunar and solar eclipses, and solstices and equinoxes./241/
Some explanations are in order at this point. A conjunction is when the sun and moon come their closest to each other. How close a conjunction is varies, but in the very closest ones, the moon completely covers the sun, causing a solar eclipse./242/ The sun and moon come into conjunction once each month, during the two to three days between last and first visibility. An opposition is when the sun and moon are their farthest apart, at opposite ends of the sky. When sun and moon are exactly 180 degrees apart, with the earth on the line between them, a lunar eclipse occurs. Opposition also takes place once a month, at the full moon./243/
The solstices are the longest and shortest days of the year. On the solstice the places where the sun rises and sets changes direction. At the winter solstice, the sunrise begins to shift north, and the days begin to lengthen. On the summer solstice, the sunrise starts shifting south again and the days begin to get shorter.
The equinoxes are the two midpoints between the two solstices, when day and night are the same length. Together, the solstices and the equinoxes mark the astronomical seasons. In MUL.APIN, they were the dates the sun passes from one "Way" to another. The solstices are both days in the calendar and points on the ecliptic./244/
First Visibility was the most important lunar event, and the other phenomena were calculated from it. There are three major factors: the distance between the sun and moon, which depends on their daily motions; the angle between the zodiac, which can vary quite a lot over the course of the year; and the moon's latitude, or position above or below the ecliptic./245/
A typical lunar ephemeris would have fourteen columns of figures, on such things as the moon's latitude, its longitude (i.e., its position in the zodiac east-west), how far and how fast it moved each day, to calculate the appropriate phenomena./246/
There are also ephemerides for the five lesser planets. Of 81 which survive, 41 are for the planet Jupiter./247/ As with the lunar ephemerides, the goal is to calculate when and where certain "characteristic phenomena" will take place. This in contrast to Greek astronomy, where the goal is to give the celestial latitude and longitude of any heavenly body at any moment desired./248/ The "characteristic phenomena" of the lesser planets are heliacal rising, heliacal setting, oppositions, stations, phases, and retrogradations.
Heliacal rising has been mentioned frequently above. Heliacal setting means that the planet or star is setting on the western horizon at the moment the sun rises./249/ A planet is in opposition when it is 180 degrees from the sun in the zodiac. Stations and retrogradations are peculiar to the lesser planets. Planets all move west to east in the zodiac, just as the sun and moon do. But every so often, the lesser planets each stop, move backwards (east to west) for a time, stop again, then begin to move forward again. The stations are the points where the planet stops, while the period it moves backwards is its retrogradation. Phases are times when a planet becomes invisible, or when it becomes visible again. These take place when a planet, such as Venus or Mercury, moves from the evening to the morning sky./250/
The methods of calculation are the same as for the lunar ephemerides, but the results are less precise. For example, only the changes in longitude are given, not the changes in latitude./251/
Most ephemerides do not give the planets motions for each day, although there was a complicated interpolation procedure, if the planet's position were needed for some date between the "characteristic phenomena."/252/ One surviving ephemeris does give Mercury's position day by day./253/ Thus we can see that the information needed to cast a horoscope was available to Mesopotamian diviners. Some horoscope themselves also survive.
It is important to note that "scientific" astronomy did not conflict with astral omens or horoscopy. We have seen that the same people kept works on all three disciplines. It is probably significant that the phenomena thought important in the ephemerides were also important in Enuma Anu Enlil. Also, since the ephemerides give the shifts in latitude only for the moon, the movements of the other planets were not completely predictable. This would have reinforced the assumption that the planets were living beings, who might have habits, but who could change them if asked, rather than mere points of light, obeying inexorable laws. The same is true for eclipse predictions. The Mesopotamian astronomers could predict when an eclipse was possible, but they could not predict if it would be seen in Mesopotamia./254/ Apotropaic rituals were performed whenever an eclipse was expected, and when an eclipse did not happen, the aipu would congratulate themselves that their rituals worked.
By the Persian and Hellenistic periods, the elements needed to invent the true horoscope were available. The Mesopotamians believed that the gods were incarnate in the planets. They believed the movements of the planets revealed the gods' wills, not only for the state, but also for the individual. Finally, they knew how to calculate where the planets were at any time./255/ Evidence for the early days of horoscopy is rare. Most of the ancient horoscopes which survive are in compilations made during the Roman Empire. At one time, scholars debated whether the horoscope was invented in Mesopotamia, in Egypt, or by Hellenistic Greeks./256/ The late compilers were ambiguous about their predecessors. Some do credit horoscopy to the "Chaldaeans," others, the Egyptians, yet others, divine revelation. Likewise, Hellenistic Greek horoscopes include many practices and ideas based on Greek physics and astronomy which were quite alien to Mesopotamia./257/ The debate has finally been settled by the publication of a series of cuneiform horoscopes, including one dating to 410 BCE--far too early for any Greek or Egyptian influence. The great days of Greek astronomy did not begin until the time of Alexander, a century later, while the earliest Greek and Demotic horoscopes date to first century BCE./258/
How the horoscope was invented is unknown. The key change was to relate the planets' positions to an individual's "fate." Possibly this began with noting what planets were visible and invisible when a person was born./259/ This is not much different from what the Assyrian baru did for their king. One report survives which relates the usual astral omens to one of Aurbanipal's sons./260/ He was not exactly a private individual, but he was not the king, either. When the Persian kings abolished the Mesopotamian monarchy, the baru may have turned to private customers. Other omen series (E.g., shumma alu) had always been used by private persons./261/
Speculation aside, one cuneiform document survives which does predict people's fates from the planets visible when they were born, tablet AO 6483./262/ A representative quotation reads:
27) If a child is born when the moon has come forth, (his life? will be) bright, excellent, regular and long.
28) If a child is born when the sun has come forth, (then) <......>
29) If a child is born when Jupiter has come forth, (then his life? will be) regular, well; he will become rich, he will grow old, (his) day(s) will be long.
30) If a child is born when Venus has come forth, (the his life? will be) exceptionally (?) calm; wherever he may go, it will be favorable; (his) days will be long.
31) If a child is born when Mercury has come forth, (then his life? will be) brave, lordly ............
32) If a child is born when Mars has come forth, (then) ......, hot (?) temper (?).
33) If a child is born when Saturn has come forth, (then his life? will be) dark, obscure, sick, and constrained./263/ . . .
7) If a child is born when Jupiter comes forth and Venus (had?) set, it will go exceptionally well with that man; his wife will leave and <......>. (Variant:) wife will reach (?).
8) If a child is born when Jupiter had come forth and Mercury (had?) set, it will go excellently with that man; his oldest son will die.
9) If a child is born when Jupiter has come forth and Saturn (had?) set, it will go excellently with that man; his personal enemy will die./264/ . . .
29) [If? a? child? is? born? when #[a] bootis comes forth, he will .........] . . When n [e] bootis comes forth, he will not [have?] a son.
30) [When [b] coronae borealis comes forth, he will ..........] When [B] herculis comes forth, he will, death (caused) by a crane (?).
31) [z] herculis comes forth, he will ..........] When f [m] herculis comes forth, he will be poor. /265/
These lengthy excerpts from a long document are reminiscent of Enuma Anu Enlil. They are in the same protasis--apodosis format, correlating event and meaning. They differ in that they are applied to private individuals. The stars in the last portion of the quotation, lines 29-31, are ziqpu-stars, stars whose culminations are important in the MUL.APIN texts./266/
This portion of AO 6483 cannot be dated. The order of the planets in obverse line 27 to reverse line 6 is neither the one standard in Hellenistic texts, nor the one used in earlier times. Reverse lines 7 through 38 use the Seleucid order, which may give the general period when the tablet was inscribed, if not when the original was composed./267/
Note that there neither the "Normal Stars" nor the zodiac are mentioned. Only the visibility of the planets and stars is important.
Of the six horoscope tablets published by Sachs, the oldest, AB 251, dates to the fifth century BCE, four to the third century BCE, and one to the second century BCE./268/ The oldest horoscope was cast for 29 April 410 BCE and reads:
(Perhaps one line is missing.)
1) Month (?) Nisan (?) of (?) the (?) 14th (?), .........
2) Son of Shuma-usur, son of Shuma-iddina, descendant of Deke, was born.
3) At that time the moon was below the "Horn" of the Scorpion,
4) Jupiter in Pisces, Venus
5) in Taurus, Saturn in Cancer,
6) Mars in Gemini. Mercury, which had set (for the last time), was (still) in[visible].
7) (Month) Nisan, the 1st (day which followed the 30th day of the preceding month), (the new moon having been visible for) 28 (US), [the duration of visibility of the moon after sunrise on] the 14(?)th was 4,40 (?) (US);
8) The 27th was the-day-when-the-moon- appeared-for-the-last-time.
9) (Things?) will (?) be good for you.
10) Month Du'uz, year 12,
11) [ye]ar (?) 8 ........
(Rest . . . , probably not more than one line, destroyed.) /269/
The date of the tablet was not given. Instead, Sachs deduced it from the positions given for the planets. Although the date 410 BCE was "startlingly early" no other date was possible./270/ Likewise, the tablet does not say where it was cast, but the family name of the subject, Dk is found in Babylon./271/ Unfortunately, the subject's own name is destroyed.
The "Horn" of the Scorpion mentioned in lines 3 is not one of the "Normal Stars," but a Mesopotamian name for Libra. A scorpion's claws were its "horns" to the Mesopotamians, and "the claws of the Scorpion" is an alternative name for Libra in Greek astrology, too./272/
Lines 7-8 give the dates for the moon's first and last visibility, which are important in both the ephemerides and Enuma Anu Enlil. The dates given are "normal" and thus would be good omens. Presumably the prediction in lines 9 is only a summary of a more detailed oral explanation of what the horoscope meant. Such summaries were common in omen reports from earlier periods./273/
Finally, it is interesting to note that in the cuneiform text, Venus is written with the "dingir" sign, signifying a god, "[dingir] dili-pat," or "the goddess Venus."/274/ The other planets' name are written without the "dingir."
The next surviving horoscope, MLC 1870, is date to year 48 of the Seleucid Era, or 263 BCE, probably for April 4. It reads:
1) Year 48 (of the Seleucid Era, month) Adar, night of the [23rd (?)],
2) the child was born.
3) That day the sun was in 13;30 [degrees] Aries.
4) The moon was in 10 [degrees] Aquarius,
5) Jupiter at the beginning of Leo,
6) Venus with the sun,
7) Mercury with the sun,
8) Saturn in Cancer,
9) Mars at the end of Cancer.
10) [Ge]mini (?), Aries, and Aquarius: the house (?) of his ......
11) [Months II (?)], V, VIII, and VII (?): the house (?) of his ......
12) [......]... was born ................
17) [......]...... love (?) ..............
18) ......]................................... ........ .....
19) [...].................. they made.
20) He will be lacking in wealth, ...........
22) His food (?) will not [suffice (?)] for his hunger (?).
24) The 36th year (or: 36 years) he will have wealth.
25) (His) days will be long (in number).
27) His wife, whom people will seduce (?) in his presence, will ......... (Or: His wife, in whose presence people will overpower him--she will bring (it) about (?).
28) He will have .....s and women. He will see profit./275/
One notable feature of this text is that it gives a precise position, in degrees, for the sun and moon, while the planets are only said to be present in a certain sign. This parallels the practice of the Hellenistic period ephemerides. The statement that Venus and Mercury are "with the sun" is also found in the procedure texts and means that they are too close to the sun to be visible./276/ Just what the "houses" in lines 11-12 are is unclear, but it would be rash to assume they are the "houses" of Greek astrology.
The predictions are rather obscure. Lines 12-21, in particular, contain much that Sachs was not able to translate (hence the many dots)./277/ The portions which can be understood, lines 12-21 are still interesting, and parallel, somewhat, the apodoses quoted above from AO 6483.
Tablet BM 33667, cast for 15 September, 258 BCE, is the third surviving horoscope and reads:
1) Year 53 (of the Seleucid Era) intercalated (month Adar, on) the night of the 1st, the moon
2) [passed] below the star [b] arietis 2 1/2 cubits (away).
3) The 12th day: (vernal) equinox.
4) The 1st day: the moon ..... Pisces.
5) Year 54 (of the Seleucid Era, month) Kislim, the 1st (day which followed the 30th of the preceding month, on) the night of the 8th,
6) in the beginning of the night, the moon was 1 1/2 cubits below the star ( [n] ?) piscium,
7) the moon (having already) passed 1/2 cubit to the east.
8) the 20th day: (winter) solstice.
9) The 13th day: the na of the moon was 11 (US).
10) At that time, Jupiter was in Capricorn, Venus in Scorpius,
11) --on the 9th (day), Mercury disappeared (for the last time) in the east in Sagittarius--
12) Saturn and Mars in Libra./278/
The most notable feature about this horoscope is that it uses both the date of conception (lines 1) and the date of birth (lines 5-7). The astrologer assumes 273 days between conception and birth, an assumption also used by those Greek astrologers who used the conception date./279/ The positions of the sun and the moon are given as so many "cubits" from one the "Normal Stars," and not as degrees in the zodiac./280/ This is the practice in the non-mathematical astronomical texts of later Mesopotamia, such as the "diaries."/281/ A "cubit" in astronomy was either 2degrees or 2 1/2 degrees./282/ "I do not see what relation existing between the moon and Pisces can be referred to here" in lines 4./283/ A "na" (line 9) is how long the moon can be seen between sunrise and moonset. 11 US equals 44 minutes./284/
The fourth surviving horoscope, MLC 2190, was calculated for 4 p.m., 3 June 253 BCE. It reads:
1) Year 77 (of the Seleucid Era, month) Siman, (from?) the 4th (day until? some? time?) in the last part of the night (of?) the 5th (day),
2) Aristokrates was born.
3) That day: Moon in Leo. Sun in 12:30 in Gemini.
4) The moon will set its face from the middle toward the top;
5) (the relevant omen reads:) "If, from the middle toward the top, it (i.e., the moon) set its face,
6) (there will ensue) destruction." Jupiter ..... in 18 [degrees] Sagittarius.
7) The place of Jupiter (means) (His life? will be) regular, well; he will become rich, he will grow old,
8) (his) days will be numerous (literally) long. Venus in 4 [degrees] Taurus.
9) The place of Venus (means): Wherever he may go, it will be favorable (for him);
10) he will have sons and daughters. Mercury in Gemini,
11) with the sun. The place of Mercury (means): The brave one
12) will be first in rank,
13) he will be more important than his brothers,............
14) Saturn: 6 [degrees] Cancer. Mars: 24 [degrees] .....
15) the 22nd and 23rd of each month ........ /285/
This horoscope is particularly interesting for several reasons. First, it was cast for a Greek. It dates to just the period, some two or three generations after Alexander, when horoscopy was becoming well-known throughout the Mediterranean. Another interesting feature is that all the planets are placed at specific degrees of the zodiac, rather than just present in a sign. The moon is the only exception. This means that there must have been ephemerides for the daily motion of all the planets, not only for Mercury (see above).
Finally, the predictions are not grouped at the end, after the positions, as in the other horoscopes. Instead, the position of each planet is paired with its meaning in the traditional protasis-apodosis format. We have apodoses for the positions of Jupiter, Venus, and Mercury, but not for the sun, Saturn, and probably not for Mars. There is no apodosis for the position of the moon, but there is one for the setting of the moon.
There are no known omen series which link planetary positions and interpretations in this fashion, but clearly one must have existed. The quotation from AO 6483, above, is not such a text, but nevertheless, it may be significant that the prediction for Jupiter (lines 7-8) is identical to the one for Jupiter in AO 6483, obverse lines 29 (see above)./286/
The fifth horoscope is too fragmentary to indicate more than that it was cast for a Greek, one Nicanor, for 3 July 230 BCE./287/ The sixth and most recent of the known horoscopes on clay was for 1 March 142 BCE.
1) [Year 1]69 (of the Seleucid Era), Demetrius being king,
2) month Adar, (the 1st day of which coincided with what would have been the) 30th (of the previous month), the night of the 6th, at the beginning of the night, the moon
3) was 1 cubit in advance (i.e., west) of [b] tauri--
4) the 6th, in the morning the child was born.
5) At that time, the moon was at the beginning of Gemini,
6) the sun in Pisces, Jupiter in Libra, Venus
7) and Mars in Capricorn, Saturn in Leo.
8) That month (the moon was) visible (for the first time in the morning after sunrise on the) 14th;
9) last visibility of the moon (on the) 27th.
10) Year 170 (of the Seleucid Era,
11) month), Nisan, 4th day: (vernal) equinox. 12-
12) The child was born in the brilliant house of Jupiter. /288/
This horoscope is not very different from the others. It gives all the planetary positions as simple signs, not as precise degrees within a sign. There are no interpretations. Presumably the client was given one orally. The formula in lines 2 is the usual way of saying that the last month was only 29 days long./289/ First and last visibility of the moon were important in the ephemerides as well as in Enuma Anu Enlil It is impossible to say what "the brilliant house of Jupiter" is, but to assume it is one of the "houses" of Greek astrology would, again, be going too far./290/
Only two of the six horoscopes were calculated from ephemerides, those for 263 BCE and 235 BCE, because only they use degrees for the planets' positions. The rest were probably based on the "diaries," which list astronomical and other events by date and give planetary positions relative to the "Normal Stars."/291/
There seems little reason to doubt that the basic horoscope was invented in Mesopotamia, and only later adopted and elaborated by Hellenistic Greeks, creating the sort of astrology which has come down to us. But there is also evidence that a number of refinements on the basic horoscope also have their roots in Mesopotamia.
In Greek astrology, angular relationships between planets (aspects) and between various signs of the zodiac (triplicities, quadruplicities, etc.) are important in interpreting a horoscope./292/ Francesca Rochberg-Halton believes that she has found the prototype of this practice in a tablet of the fourth century BCE, BM 36476./293/ This gives twelve lunar eclipse omens, in the traditional format./294/ The protases follow a common pattern:
if a lunar eclipse occurs in a zodiac and the night watch comes to an end and the wind (north, south, east, west) blows, Jupiter (or Venus) is (or: is not) and Saturn and Mars stand in zodiac sign and zodiac sign (respectively) [then...]./295/
The apodoses are assigned to the four regions of the world, Akkad, Elam, Amurru, and Subartu, (in that order), much as in Enuma Anu Enlil/296/ The zodiac signs for the moon, Saturn, and Mars fall into four groups, three signs in each group. If the zodiac is drawn as a circle and the signs in each group are connected with lines, the result is four equilateral triangles, one for each of the four sign-groups./297/ This is just the definition one finds of the "triplicities" in, for example, Manilius' Astronomica 2.270-286. "Triplicities" of months are also found in Enuma Anu Enlil./298/ Very similar angular relationships used for interpretation are to be found in the introduction to astronomy of Geminos,/299/ writing in the mid-first century CE./300/
Another refinement is what the Greco-Roman astrologers called the "dodekatemoria"/301/ and which modern Assyriologists call "microzodiacs." This is the practice of subdividing each of the twelve signs into twelve parts. Each sign thus contained its own "microzodiac," with the same names. Tablet AO 6483, quoted above, also has a section on how to calculate a microzodiac, in lines 6-20./302/ Of the two methods used by Greco-Roman astrologers,"A" and "B," AO 6483 uses "B,"/303/ while "A" has also been traced to Mesopotamia./304/ When the "microzodiac" was invented in unknown, but it can be no earlier than the regular zodiac./305/
E. F. Weidner believes he has found reference to the doctrine of hypsomata, or "exaltations," in a microzodiac text, VAT 7851./306/ Supplementing the text, the tablet has a series of line drawings of animals, humans, and stars, labelled with the names of constellations and planets. The planets are drawn next to the constellations in which they were strongest, or "exalted," in Greek astrology./307/
Besides strictly astrological practices, a number of medicinal and magical practices involving the planets and stars, known from Greek and even medieval Arabic sources, can be traced to ancient Mesopotamia. The various "microsigns" in the microzodiac tablets are each assigned a plant, a tree, a stone and a temple or city. In earlier periods, these things are found in lists of materials used by magicians. Apparently, a variety of traditional magical and medical beliefs were being given astrological explanations at this time./308/
In this chapter I have demonstrated that the Mesopotamians saw their gods as incarnate in the planets, that they believed that the planet-gods communicated with them by means of the planets' motions, and finally, that they used mathematics to analyze the planet's movements and thus to better communicate with their gods. We likewise have seen that none of these practices replaced each other. The planet-gods were supplicated with offerings of food and incense at the same time that horoscopes were being cast to discover the gods' plans for the individual. Traditional astral omens were used as well. In the following chapters, I will demonstrate that as horoscopy spread through the Hellenistic world, it took its religious presuppositions with it.
Introduction | Contents | Chapter Two
/1/ Jean Bott ro, La religion babylonienne [Religion] (pr face par Edouard Dhorme, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1952), p. 33.
/2/ There are two exceptions, Kingu in the Enuma Elish, whose blood is used to make the human race, and Weila, killed in the Atrahasis epic for no clear reason.
/3/ Edouard Dhorme, Les religions de Babylonie et Assyrie [Religions] (Paris: Presses Univer- sitaires de France, 1949), p. 14.
/4/ A. Leo Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia; Portrait of a Dead Civilization [Ancient Mesopotamia] (Revised Edition, completed by Erica Reiner, Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1977), pp. 187-89; Thorkild Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness; A History of Mesopotamian Religion [Treasures] (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1976), pp. 15-16.
/5/ H. W. F. Saggs, The Greatness that was Babylon; A Sketch of the Ancient Civilization of the Tigris-Euphrates Valley [Greatness] (New York: Hawthorn Books, 1962; reprinted New York and Scarborough, Ontario: New American Library, Mentor Books, 1968), pp. 166-7; Alexander Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis; The Story of Creation [Genesis] (2nd ed.; Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1951; Phoenix Books, 1963), p. 47.
/6/ Jacobsen, Treasures, pp. 86-87, 234.
/7/ Each noun in the cuneiform writing system was prefixed with a sign called a determinative, which was not pronounced, but which served to classify the noun. Thus, the name of a god was always preceded by the sign "dingir," which told the reader that this is the name of a god. In transliteration, a determinative is written as a superscript.
/8/ Dhorme, Religions, p. 12; Jacobsen, Treasures, p. 233.
/9/ Omens were warnings from the gods of what might happen, not of inevitable things to come.
/10/ Jacobsen, Treasures, pp. 121-2; Bruno Meissner, Babylonien und Assyrien [Babylonien] (Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universittsbuch- handlung, 1925), II, p. 19.
/11/ Bott ro, Religion, p. 38; Dhorme, Religions, p. 59; Meissner, Babylonien, p. 19.
/12/ Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae [Histories], 23.3.1-2, 3 Vols., trans. John C. Rolfe (Loeb Classical Library, London: William Heinemann; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1935-39; revised edition, 1950-52), III, 318-19, tells us that Julian worshipped the moon at Harran according to the local rite. Daniel Chwolson, in Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus (St. Petersburg, 1859; repr., Amsterdam: Oriental Press, 1965), describes the Harranian planet- worshippers in the Islamic period.
/13/ Jacobsen, Treasures, p. 134; See Wolfgang Heimpel, "The Sun at Night and the Doors of Heaven in Babylonian Texts," ["Sun"] JCS 38 (1986): pp. 127-51, for a detailed account of Shamash's daily routine.
/14/ Dhorme, Religions, p. 65; Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 195; Georges Contenau, La divination chez les Assyriens et les Babyloniens [Divination] (Paris: Payot, 1940), pp. 28-29.
/15/ R. Campbell Thompson, The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon [Reports] (London: Luzac, 1903; repr., New York: AMS, 1976), p. lv, report 112. All translations in this chapter are by the authors given in the notes.
/16/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 26; Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 139, 197; P. Gssmann, O. E. S. P., Planetarium babylonicum, oder die sumerisch-babylonischen Sternnamen [Sternnamen] (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute Press, 1950), p. 35, s.v. "DIL.BAD."
/17/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 26; Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 199, 205.
/18/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 26.
/19/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 15; Saggs, Greatness, p. 324.
/20/ W. G. Lambert, "Studies in Marduk," BSAOS 47 (1984): p. 1; Heidel, Genesis, tablet 7, ll. 123ff; Gssmann, Sternnamen, p. 125, s.v. "SAG.ME.GAR."
/21/ Jacobsen, Treasures, pp. 127, 129.
/22/ Dhorme, Religions, p. 104; Meissner, Babylonien, pp. 9, 31.
/23/ Dhorme, Religions, p. 89; Gssmann, Sternnamen, p. 124, s.v. "SAG.US"; P. Hilaire de Wynghene, Les pr sages astrologiques [Pr sages] (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute Press, 1932), p. 52.
/24/ Gssmann, Sternnamen, p. 114, s.v. "nakaru;" Saggs, Greatness, pp. 322-23.
/25/ Dhorme, Religions, p. 39; Meissner, Babylonien, pp. 36-7; Saggs, Greatness, pp. 322-23.
/26/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 51; Gssmann, Sternnamen, p. 25, s.v. "mulGU.UD."
/27/ Meissner, Babylonien, 1925, p. 17; Bott ro, Religion, p. 42.
/28/ Meissner, Babylonien, pp. 45-46; Saggs, Greatness, p. 327.
/29/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 17.
/30/ B. L. van der Waerden, Science Awakening II, The Birth of Astronomy [Birth], with contributions by Peter Huber (Leyden: Noordhoof International Publishing, 1974; New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 74.
/31/ Thorkild Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," in Henri Frankfort and others, Before Philosophy; The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man ["Mesopotamia"] (New York: Penguin Books, 1974), p. 156.
/32/ Ibid., pp. 159-61.
/33/ Dhorme, Religions, p. 79; Meissner, Babylonien, p. 6; E. Douglas Van Buren, The Symbols of the Gods in Mesopotamian Art (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1945), p. 74; E. Douglas Van Buren, "The Seven Dots in Mesopotamian Art and their Meaning," Altorientalische Forschungen 13 (1939-1941): p. 277; Gssmann, Sternnamen, p. 109, s.v. "MUL.MUL."
/34/ R. Campbell Thompson, The Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia [Devils], 2 Vols. (London: Luzac, 1903; repr., New York: AMS, 1976), pp. 93, 95, 99, Tablet 16, ll. 70-80, 135-47.
/35/ Bott ro, Religion, pp. 130-31; Meissner, Babylonien, pp. 155, 210-11; Silvestro Fiore, Voice from the Clay; The Development of Assyro- Babylonian Literature [Voice] (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965), pp. 85-86.
/36/ I owe this insight to Dr. Zvi Abusch of Brandeis University.
/37/ Meissner, Babylonien, pp. 160, 163, 171; Erica Reiner, "The Uses of Astrology," ["Uses"] JAOS 105 (1985): pp. 590, 595.
/38/ Heidel, Genesis, p. 11; Jacobsen, Treasures, p. 183; Meissner, Babylonien, p. 174.
/39/ Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," pp. 183-84.
/40/ Heidel, Genesis, p. 12; Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," pp. 183-84. On the role of Enuma Elish in the New Year Festival, see Svend Aage Pallis, The Babylonian Akitu Festival (Copenhagen: Bianco Lunos Bogtrykkeri, 1926), pp. 247, 257-306, passim.
/41/ Heidel, Genesis, pp. 18-20.
/42/ Ibid., pp. 23-25.
/43/ Ibid., pp. 25-36.
/44/ Ibid., pp. 36-38.
/45/ Ibid., pp. 39-41.
/46/ The translation "signs of the zodiac" is anachronistic; the zodiac per se was not invented until the fourth or fifth century BCE. The author refers to the constellations in the zodiacal belt, for which the later signs were named.
/47/ On the use of thirty-six constellations to measure the passage of the months, see B. L. van der Waerden, "Babylonian Astronomy II. The 36 Stars," ["36 Stars"] JNES 8 (1949): pp. 6-26; van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 64-67.
/48/ Nbiru is usually one of the names of the planet Jupiter (Gssmann, Sternnamen, pp. 118-9, s.v. "mulNibiru"). Here, though, it parallels the "stations" of Anu and Ea as a group of stars. Perhaps it is the "path of Enlil" under a new name. Marduk is thought to have replaced Enlil as the hero of the epic over-all (Heidel, Genesis, 12), and certainly Enlil is very conspicuously absent throughout the work as we have it. Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," pp. 183-4.
/49/ Cf. Heimpel, "Sun," pp. 127-151.
/50/ In later astronomy, the "way of the sun" is the ecliptic, the sun's annual path through the zodiacal constellations. The moon does indeed draw near to the ecliptic when invisible. When the invisible moon covers the sun at this time, a solar eclipse is the result, hence the name "ecliptic."
/51/ Heidel, Genesis, pp. 42-45.
/52/ Ibid., p. 49.
/53/ Ibid., p. 59.
/54/ Heidel, Genesis, pp. 78-81; Stanley M. Burstein, The Babyloniaca of Berossus (Malibu: Undena Publications, 1978), pp. 8-10, 14-5.
/55/ Heidel, Genesis, p. 81.
/56/ A. Leo Oppenheim, "A New Prayer to the `Gods of the Night'," ["Prayer"] Analecta Biblica 12 (1959): pp. 287-88.
/57/ Ibid., pp. 288-89.
/58/ Ibid., p. 282.
/59/ Georges Dossin, "Pri nuit' (AO 6769)," ["Pri 184; Gerhard Meier, Die assyrische Beschwrungssammlung Maql (Osnabr ck: Biblio Verlag, 1967), p. 7.
/60/ Saggs, Greatness, p. 296; Morris Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria [Religion] (Boston: Ginn and Co., 1898), p. 284.
/61/ Dr. Zvi Abusch of Brandeis University tells me that dates proposed by different scholars vary by as much as one thousand years.
/62/ Dossin, "Pri
/63/ See Dossin, "Pri cuneiform text, transliteration, and French translation. Oppenheim, "Prayer," pp. 294-95, offers a new translation into English.
/64/ Oppenheim, "Prayer," p. 292, and references there.
/65/ Oppenheim, "Prayer," p. 296; Cf. Reiner, "Uses," p. 591.
/66/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 229; Saggs, Greatness, p. 296; Jastrow, Religion, pp. 290- 93.
/67/ Fiore, Voice, p. 91; A. Ungnad, "Besprechungskunst und Astrologie in Babylonien," ["Besprechungskunst"] AfO 14 (1941-1944): pp. 251-52.
/68/ Erica Reiner, Surpu, a Collection of Sumerian and Akkadian Incantations [Surpu] (Graz, 1958; repr. Osnabr ck: Biblio Verlag, 1970), p. 13.
/69/ 7Sibzianna is Orion; See Gssmann, Sternnamen, p. 149, s.v. "mulSIBA.ZI.AN.NA;" Reiner, Surpu, p. 222, l. 111.
/70/ Gssmann, Sternnamen, p. 82, s.v. "Kaimanu;" p. 124, s.v., "mulSAG.US;" p. 128, s.v., "SAK.KUD."
/71/ Meissner, Genesis, pp. 237-38; R. I. Caplice, The Akkadian Namburbi Texts: An Introduction [Namburbi] (Los Angeles: Undena Publications, 1974), pp. 7-9.
/72/ Caplice, Namburbi, p. 7.
/74/ Ibid., pp. 8-9, 21-22.
/75/ Asalluhi is Marduk. See Jacobsen, Treasures, p. 182.
/76/ Caplice, Namburbi, p. 14.
/77/ Ibid., p. 9.
/78/ Caplice, Namburbi, pp. 10-11; Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 188-89.
/79/ Ungnad, "Besprechungskunst," p. 254.
/80/ Erich Ebeling, Die Akkadische Gebetsserie "Handerhebung", [Handerhebung] (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1953), p. 3.
/81/ Bott ro, Religion, p. 120.
/82/ Ebeling, Handerhebung, p. 9, #2, ll. 1-2. Zalbatanu = Mars, Gssmann, Sternnamen, p. 180, s.v. "mulSalbatanu."
/83/ Ebeling, Handerhebung, p. 145.
/84/ Ibid., p. 59; Scorpio = Ishara, Gssmann, Sternnamen, pp. 30-31, s.v. "mulGIR2.TAB."
/85/ Ebeling, Handerhebung, pp. 147-51. There are five hymns to Orion.
/86/ Ibid., p. 65, ll. 10-15.
/87/ Langenscheidt's German-English, English- German Dictionary, new, revised and enlarged edition (New York: Pocketbooks, 1976), "Patrouille" and "Posten."
/88/ Ebeling, Handerhebung, pp. 23, n.2; See pp. 23 and 102 for further examples.
/89/ Ibid., p. 99. Other, similar prayers on pp. 6, 49, 57, 147.
/90/ Day and night were each divided into three "watches." The first watch would be in the evening and early night, when the planets are most easily seen. See van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 71, 89.
/91/ The Res temple in Uruk was the temple of Anu, whose cult underwent a great revival in the Hellenistic period. See Adam Falkenstein, Topographie von Uruk I: Uruk von Seleukidenzeit [Uruk] (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1941), pp. 2, 4; Gilbert J. McEwan, Priest and Temple in Hellenistic Babylonia [Hellenistic Babylonia] (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1981), p. 187.
/92/ "Washing the Mouth" was one of the rituals used in consecrating a cult statue. See Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 185-86.
/93/ Falkenstein, Uruk, p. 29.
/94/ McEwan, Hellenistic Babylonia, p. 66.
/95/ Ibid., p. 182.
/96/ Falkenstein, Uruk, p. 29; McEwan, Hellenistic Babylonia, pp. 151, 158, 183, 186, 189-90.
/97/ Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 16; Ivan Starr, The Rituals of the Diviner [Rituals] (Malibu: Undena Publications, 1983), p. 1.
/98/ Fiero, Voice, pp. 99, 101.
/99/ Contenau, Divination, pp. 26-27; Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 212.
/100/ Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 226-7.
/101/ Bott ro, Religion, p. 191.
/102/ Contenau, Divination, p. 23; de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 58.
/103/ Starr, Rituals, p. 4.
/104/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 30.
/105/ A. Sachs, "Babylonian Horoscopes," ["Horoscopes"] JCS 6 (1952): p. 51.
/106/ Saggs, Greatness, p. 308.
/107/ Ernst Weidner, "Ein astrologischer Sammeltext aus der Sargonidenzeit," ["Sammeltext"] AfO 19 (1959-1960): p. 105; See John Michael Lawrence, Hepatoscopy and Extispicy in Graeco- Roman and Early Christian Texts (Oxford, OH: Miami University, Ph.D dissertation, 1979) for a very full account of extispicy.
/108/ Starr, Rituals, p. 9.
/109/ Contenau, Divination, pp. 94-95; Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 52.
/110/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 70; Contenau, Divination, p. 63-64.
/111/ Contenau, Divination, pp. 65, 109; W. G. Lambert, "Enmeduranki and Related Matters," JCS 21 (1967): p. 127.
/112/ Contenau, Divination, p. 69.
/113/ Dhorme, Religions, p. 282; Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 101.
/114/ Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 225; Erica Reiner and David Pingree, Enma Anu Enlil. Tablet 63: The Venus Tablet of Ammisaduqa [Venus Tablet] (Malibu: Undena Publications, 1975), p. 3; de Wynghene, p. 31.
/115/ Simo Parpola, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal [Letters] (Kevelaer: Butzon and Bercker, 1970), I, p. 11.
/116/ David Pingree, "Mesopotamian Astronomy and Astral Omens in Other Civilizations," ["Astral Omens"] in Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn, Hans-Jrd Nissen and Johannes Renger, eds. (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1982), p. 613.
/117/ Ernst F. Weidner, "Die astrologische Serie Enma Anu Enlil", [I] ["EAE" [I]] AfO 14 (1941-1944): p. 174.
/118/ Pingree, "Astral Omens," p. 613.
/119/ Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 224.
/120/ G. Dossin, "Lettre du divin Asqudun au roi Zimrilim au sujet d'une clipse de lune," Compte- rendu de la seconde rencontre assyriologique internationale par le Group Francoise Thureau- Dangin (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1951), pp. 46-48.
/121/ Ernst F. Weidner, "Astrologische Texte aus Boghazki; Ihre sprachliche und kulturhistorische Bedeutung," AfO (1923): pp. 1-8.
/122/ Charles Virolleaud, "The Syrian Town of Qatna and the Kingdom of Mittani," Antiquity 3 (1929): pp. 312-17.
/123/ V. Scheil, "Un fragment susien du livre Enuma Anu (ilu) Enlil," RA 14 (1917): pp. 139- 42.
/124/ Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 225
/125/ Weidner, "EAE" [I], p. 175; Contenau, p. 315; H. Hunger, ed., Sptbabylonische Texte aus Uruk [Texte] (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1976), pp. 93-100.
/126/ Weidner, "Sammeltext," p. 105.
/127/ Weidner, "EAE" [I], p. 182; Otto Neugebauer, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity [Sciences] (2nd ed.; Providence, RI: Brown University Press, 1957), p. 101.
/128/ Pingree, "Astral Omens,"613; Sachs, "Babylonian Horoscopes," p. 51.
/129/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 32. Weidner put the tablets into order and translated some of the text in a series of articles, all entitled "Die astrologische Serie Enma Anu Enlil," in AfO 14 (1941-1944): pp. 172-195; AfO 14 (1941-1944): pp. 308-318; AfO 17 (1954-1956): pp. 71-89; AfO 22 (1968-1969): pp. 65-75.
/130/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 32.
/131/ Ernst F. Weidner, "Die astrologische Serie Enma Anu Enlil," [III] ["EAE" [III]] AfO 17 (1954-1956): pp. 82-83.
/132/ Weidner, "EAE" [III], pp. 82-3; surinnu usually means "emblem," but here probably means "disk." See p. 82, n. 46.
/133/ Reiner and Pingree, Venus Tablet, p. 3.
/134/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 249.
/135/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 19; Thompson, Devils, pp. 93, 95, 99.
/136/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 106; de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 46.
/137/ Contenau, Divination, p. 322.
/138/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 18.
/139/ Contenau, Divination, p. 322; de Wynghene, Pr sages, pp. 45-46.
/140/ Neugebauer, Sciences, pp. 105-10; D. R. Dicks, Early Greek Astronomy to Aristotle [Astronomy] (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1970), pp. 24-25.
/141/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 252; de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 49.
/142/ Contenau, Divination, p. 323.
/143/ Parpola, Letters, II, pp. xxii-xxiii.
/144/ Contenau, Divination, pp. 324-25; de Wynghene, p. 56.
/145/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 51; Reiner and Pingree, Venus Tablet, pp. 18-19.
/146/ Reiner and Pingree, Venus Tablet, pp. 18- 19.
/147/ Contenau, Divination, p. 323.
/149/ Heliacal rising means that the planet (or star) can be seen rising, on the eastern horizon, at the same time as the sun. A star's heliacal rising occurs once a year, on the same date each year, which means it can be used for a calendar. Dicks, Astronomy, p. 13.
/150/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 52; Contenau, Divination, p. 324.
/151/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 52; Contenau, Divination, p. 323.
/152/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 53.
/153/ Contenau, Divination, p. 324; de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 53.
/154/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 51.
/155/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 255.
/156/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 255; de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 55.
/157/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 55.
/158/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, pp. 54-5; Meissner, Babylonien, p. 255; Contenau, Divination, p. 324.
/159/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 52.
/160/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 255.
/161/ Contenau, Divination, p. 324.
/162/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 47.
/163/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 55; Meissner, Babylonien, pp. 255-6; Reiner and Pingree, pp. 18-19.
/164/ Reiner and Pingree, Venus Tablet, pp. 19- 20.
/166/ Erica Reiner and David Pingree, Babylonian Planetary Omens, Part 2: Enuma Anu Enlil (Malibu: Undena Publications, 1981), p. 1. The oldest copy of "Astrolabe B" was written c. 1000 BCE, the oldest copy of MUL.APIN, 686 BCE.
/168/ Ren Labat, Un calendrier babylonien des travaux des signes et des moins (S ries Iqqur Ippu ) [Iqqur Ippush] (Paris: Honor Champion, 1965), p. 8; Contenau, Divination, p. 329.
/169/ Ibid., pp. 19-20.
/170/ Ibid., p. 16.
/171/ Ibid., p. 9.
/172/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 147; Labat, Iqqur Ippush, p. 147.
/173/ Labat, Iqqur Ippush, p. 9.
/174/ Ibid., p. 9.
/175/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 147; Labat, Iqqur Ippush, p. 147.
/176/ Labat, Iqqur Ippush, p. 9.
/177/ Ibid., p. 141-97, passim.
/178/ Ibid., p. 147. Note that the months are the same as in the present Jewish calendar. This is because the Jews adopted the Mesopotamian calendar during the Babylonian Exile. See Jastrow, Religion, 464, n. 1; Frank Parise, The Book of Calendars (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1982), pp. 12-13; Roger T. Beckwith, "Cautionary Notes on the Use of Calendars and Astronomy to Determine the Chronology of the Passion," in Jerry Vardaman and Edwin M. Yamauchi, eds., Chronos, Kairos, and Christos; Nativity and Chronological Problems Presented to Jack Finegan (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1989), pp. 183-89; and Ephraim Jehudah Weisenberg, "Calendar," in Cecil Roth and Geoffrey Wigoder, eds. Encyclopedia Judaica (Jerusalem: Keter, 1971), V, pp. 43-50.
/179/ Hunger, Texte, pp. 95-99, for the entire document.
/180/ Ibid., p. 97, Text 94.
/181/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 37; A. Leo Oppenheim,"Divination and Celestial Omens in the Last Assyrian Empire," ["Divination"] Centaurus 14 (1969): p. 114. This last article contains an excellent account of how the network of observers was organized, as well as plausible suggestions on its origins and its later influence.
/182/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 250; Oppenheim, "Divination," p. 114.
/183/ Parpola, Letters, II, pp. xii, xiv.
/184/ Oppenheim, "Divination," p. 98.
/185/ Oppenheim, "Divination," pp. 121-22; Parpola, Letters, p. xii.
/186/ Oppenheim, "Divination," pp. 99, 122.
/187/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 37.
/188/ Parpola, Letters, I, p. 3, #3.
/190/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 37; Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 225; Meissner, Babylonien, pp. 250, 253.
/191/ Thompson, Reports, p. lii, report #94.
/192/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, p. 38; Oppenheim, "Divination," p. 98; Parpola, Letters, II, p. xxiii.
/193/ de Wynghene, Pr sages, pp. 38, 48; Oppenheim, "Divination," p. 98.
/194/ Caplice, Namburbi, pp. 8-9. See #13, pp. 21-3, for a "general" namburbi.
/195/ Thompson, Reports, p. liii, report #96.
/196/ Parpola, Letters, II, pp. xxii-xxiii.
/197/ van der Waerden, Birth, p. 64; Pingree, "Astral Omens," p. 613. The Mesopotamian astrolabes have no connection with the medieval astronomical instrument. Presumably the name was derived from the circular format of many copies. See figure 65.
/198/ van der Waerden, "36 Stars," p. 10.
/199/ van der Waerden, Birth, p. 64.
/200/ Presumably these are the constellations Marduk assigned to the months in Enuma Elish V:3- 4; see above, p. 11.
/201/ van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 64-65.
/202/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 100; van der Waerden, Dawn, p. 65.
/203/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 100; van der Waerden, "36 Stars," p. 17.
/204/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 100. "Zig-zag functions" are named for how they look when graphed. The name is modern, not ancient.
/205/ Otto Neugebauer, "Studies in Ancient Astronomy VIII. The Water Clock in Babylonian Astronomy," Isis 37 (1947): p. 40; van der Waerden, "36 Stars," p. 18.
/206/ van der Waerden, "36 Stars," p. 18; van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 48, 69.
/207/ van der Waerden, Birth, p. 71; Pingree, "Astral Omens," p. 615.
/208/ van der Waerden, Birth, p. 86; Neugebauer, Sciences, pp. 158-59, 183-84.
/209/ van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 70-71; Pingree, "Astral Omens," p. 613.
/210/ van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 77-79.
/211/ That is, tables giving the changes in the lengths of shadows over a year. This is equivalent to changes in daylight.
/212/ van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 70-71; Pingree, "Astral Omens," p. 613.
/213/ van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 79-80; Ernst F. Weidner, "Ein babylonisches Kompendium der Himmelskunde," AJSL 40 (1924): pp. 192-94. It is interesting and significant that MUL.APIN calls these constellations gods. Science did not conflict with religion in Mesopotamia.
/214/ B. L. van der Waerden, "The History of the Zodiac," AfO 16 (1952-3): pp. 216-30.
/215/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 101.
/216/ Otto Neugebauer, Astronomical Cuneiform Texts [ACT] (London: Lund Humphries, 1955), pp. 1, 4; van der Waerden, Birth, p. 206.
/217/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 102.
/218/ James Cornell, The First Stargazers; An Introduction to the Origins of Astronomy [Stargazers] (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1981), p. 30; E. C. Krupp, In Search of Ancient Astronomies [Search] (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Co, 1977), p. 21.
/219/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 102.
/220/ Meissner, Babylonien, p. 397.
/221/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 140.
/222/ The intercalary years were: 0, 3, 6, 9, 11, 14, 17. See Meissner, Babylonien, p. 397. The intercalary system of the present Jewish calendar is similar. See Ephraim Jehudah Weisenberg, "Calendar," in Cecil Roth and Geoffrey Wigoder, editors-in-chief, Encyclopedia Judaica, V, (Jerusalem: Keter, 1971), pp. 43-53.
/223/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 140.
/224/ Neugebauer, Sciences, pp. 102; Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 52.
/225/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 102.
/226/ Even today, celestial latitude and longitude are measured along the zodiac. Latitude is in degrees above or below the ecliptic, the center of the zodiac. Longitude is in degrees within one of the twelve signs, moving east from the vernal point, the starting point of the zodiac. See Jean-Louis Brau, Helen Weaver, and Allan Edmans, "Celestial Latitude," in Helen Weaver, ed., Larousse Encyclopedia of Astrology (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1977), pp. 40-41 and Ibid., "Celestial Longitude," id., pp. 41-42. Note that these are not the same as terrestrial latitude and longitude, which are measured relative to the equator, not the ecliptic. See figure 66.
/227/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 102; Otto Neugebauer, History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy [HAMA], 3 Vols., III (New York: Springer Verlag, 1975), pp. 1078-1079.
/228/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 102; van der Waerden, "Zodiac," p. 216.
/229/ Neugebauer, ACT, p. 4.
/230/ Neugebauer, ACT, p. 4; Neugebauer, HAMA, I, p. 347; Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 139.
/231/ Neugebauer, ACT, p. 4; Neugebauer, HAMA, I, p. 347; Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 136.
/232/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 136.
/233/ Neugebauer, ACT, p. 13.
/234/ Reiner and Pingree, Venus Tablet, p. 3; Neugebauer, ACT, pp. 13-14.
/235/ McEwan, Hellenistic Babylonia, p. 16; Neugebauer, HAMA, I, p. 412.
/236/ Neugebauer, HAMA, I, p. 347.
/237/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 105; van der Waerden, Birth, p. 206.
/238/ "Ephemeris," Webster's Seventh Collegiate Dictionary (Springfield, MA: G. & C. Merriam Company, 1971), p. 278.
/239/ Neugebauer, HAMA, I, p. 351; Neugebauer, ACT, p. 1.
/240/ Neugebauer, ACT, pp. 351, 474.
/241/ Neugebauer, Sciences, pp. 106-07; Neugebauer, ACT, p. 1; Neugebauer, HAMA, I, p. 357.
/242/ Krupp, Search, pp. 18-19.
/243/ Krupp, Search, pp. 18-19; Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 109.
/244/ Cornell, Stargazers, pp. 18-20.
/245/ Neugebauer, Sciences, pp. 107-08.
/246/ van der Waerden, Birth, pp. 210-11.
/247/ Neugebauer, ACT, p. 279; Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 126.
/248/ Neugebauer, HAMA, III, p. 1089; Neugebauer, ACT, p. 279.
/249/ van der Waerden, Birth, p. 7; Dicks, Astronomy, p. 13.
/250/ van der Waerden, Birth, p. 6; Dicks, Astronomy, p. 13.
/251/ Neugebauer, Sciences, p. 128; Neugebauer, ACT, p. 280; Neugebauer, HAMA, III, pp. 1098, 1090.
/252/ Neugebauer, ACT, p. 279. Neugebauer emphasizes the difficulty of using the ephemerides to cast horoscopes. But, as we shall see, horoscopes were indeed cast in Mesopotamia, and Mesopotamian methods were widely used by astrologers elsewhere.
/253/ Ibid., p. 299.
/254/ Neugebauer, Sciences, pp. 109, 119.
/255/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 51; Francesca Rochberg-Halton, "New Evidence for the History of Astrology," ["New Evidence"] JNES 43 (1984): p. 117.
/256/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 51.
/257/ Sachs, "Horoscope," p. 50; Pingree, "Astral Omens," p. 621.
/258/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," pp. 54-55, 64.
/259/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," pp. 54-55; Saggs, Greatness, p. 460.
/260/ C. J. Gadd, "Omens Expressed in Numbers," JCS 21 (1967): pp. 52-63.
/261/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 51.
/262/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 65. AO 6483 is clearly a composite, with diverse astrological materials from various dates.
/263/ Ibid., p. 68, obverse, ll. 27-33.
/264/ Ibid., p. 69, rev. ll. 7-9.
/265/ Ibid., p. 70, rev. ll. 29-31.
/266/ Ibid., p. 74.
/267/ Ibid., pp. 73-74.
/268/ Ibid., p. 64.
/269/ Ibid., p. 64.
/270/ Ibid., p. 54. Sachs gives the details of how he arrived at this conclusion on pages 55 through 57.
/271/ Ibid., p. 57.
/272/ Ibid., p. 56.
/273/ Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 214- 15.
/274/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 54.
/275/ Ibid., pp. 57-58.
/276/ Ibid., p. 58.
/278/ Ibid., p. 59.
/280/ Ibid., p. 64.
/281/ For a full account of the diaries, see A. Sachs, "Babylonian Observational Astronomy," Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 276 (1974): pp. 43-50. For non-mathematical astronomical texts in general, see A. Sachs, "A Classification of Babylonian Astronomical Tablets of the Seleucid Period," JCS 2 (1950): pp. 271- 90.
/282/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 59.
/284/ Ibid., p. 60.
/285/ Ibid., pp. 60-61.
/286/ Ibid., pp. 60-61.
/287/ Ibid., pp. 61-62.
/288/ Ibid., p. 63.
/291/ Ibid., p. 65.
/292/ See, for example, Manilius, Astronomica, 2.270-294, trans. G. P. Goold (Loeb Classical Library; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, 1977), pp. 104-05.
/293/ Rochberg-Halton,"New Evidence," p. 118.
/294/ Ibid., p. 120.
/295/ Ibid., p. 121.
/298/ Ibid., pp. 128-29.
/299/ Geminus, Gemini Elementa Astronomiae ad codicum fidem recensuit Germanica interpretatione et commentariis instruxit Carolus Manitius (Stu- ttgart: Teubner, 1924), 2.1-12.
/300/ Rochberg-Halton,"New Evidence," p. 118.
/301/ See, e.g., Manilius, Astronomica, 2.693-95 = Goold, pp. 136-37.
/302/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," pp. 67-68.
/303/ Ibid., p. 73.
/304/ A. Sachs and Otto Neugebauer, "The `Dodekatemoria' in Babylonian Astronomy," AfO 16 (1952): pp. 65-66.
/305/ Sachs, "Horoscopes," p. 73.
/306/ In Greek astrology, a planet's "exaltation" was that sign or degree at which its influences were strongest. See Otto Neugebauer and H. B. Van Hoesen, "Exaltations," Greek Horoscopes (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1959), p. 7.
/307/ E. F. Weidner, "Gestirn-Darstellungen auf babylonischen Tontafeln," Oesterreichischen Akademie des Wissenschaft, Philosophische- Historische Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 254, Bd. 2, Abhandlungen (Vienna: 1967), pp. 8-10.
/308/ Weidner, "Gestirn-Darstellungen," pp. 29-31; Reiner, "Uses," p. 593.